Why are crime rates in the united states comparatively high?

Why are crime rates in the united states comparatively high?

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More investment in holistic violence prevention strategies and economic alternatives to criminal violence are necessary if the country's chronic insecurity crisis is to be alleviated. El Salvador, a small country in the isthmus of Central America, is wracked by an implacable strain of gang warfare. Exceptionally intense and persistent violence pits rival street gangs against one another and in opposition to the police and state. Formerly hailed for its smooth transition to democracy and for turning the two foes of its s civil war into political forces competing vigorously yet peaceably for power, El Salvador once again is famed for its bloodletting.

Its recent murder rates rank among the highest in the world and its jails are among the most overcrowded. For the administration of U. President Donald Trump, its main gang, the Mara Salvatrucha MSpersonifies the menace of undocumented immigration.

Although the Salvadoran state has developed a series of strategies for violence prevention, its mainly repressive efforts over the past fifteen years have checked the influence of these alternative approaches. It should now implement plans to prevent crime, rehabilitate gang members and spur development in marginalised communities. Most urgently, El Salvador will require protection from the turbulence that U.

mass deportations could provoke. The permanence of violence owes as much to the success as to the failings of the peace accords. The two former wartime foes have jostled for democratic supremacy, repeatedly using security policy for electoral purposes by seeking to satisfy public demand for why are crime rates in the united states comparatively high? dura iron fist against the gangs.

Although government has changed hands, security methods have not altered: mass detentions and incarceration, as well as militarisation of policing, have become standard procedure whether under the rule of right-wing elites or former guerrillas. Allegations of police brutality and extrajudicial executions have multiplied. Recent surveys suggest that veteran members of these gangs wish to cease the violence. The reality and stigma of gang violence combine to block off alternative ways of life for those born into these communities, cutting years of schooling for young people in areas of high gang presence and alienating potential employers.

The deadlock between a tarnished set of security policies and a gang phenomenon that thrives on the ostracism and contempt of mainstream Salvadoran society can only now be resolved by recasting the way the country treats its security dilemmas.

Judicial and security institutions require careful reform to ensure resources are distributed to areas with the highest concentrations of violence, and used to boost intelligence-led policing that targets gang members committing the most serious crimes. Jail-based reinsertion schemes, and cooperation with diverse churches, NGOs and businesses that offer second chances to former gang members, must be strengthened to provide a legal framework for rehabilitation as well as material incentives for the gangs to eventually disband.

Tolerance for these grassroots efforts, despite the existing legal restrictions on any contact why are crime rates in the united states comparatively high? gangs, is essential to build the confidence that will be required for dialogue in the future.

None of this will be easy, nor is it likely to be assisted by U. policy toward either gangs or Salvadoran immigrants. The potential cancellation of the rights to residency in the U. to El Salvador exported the criminal capital that led to the lightning rise of the MS and its main rival, the 18th Street gang. El Salvador is simply unprepared, economically and institutionally, to receive such an influx, or to handle theirU.

children, many of them at the perfect age for recruitment or victimisation by gangs. At a time when levels of violence remain extraordinarily high, with exhaustion toward an unwinnable conflict voiced on both sides, the arrival of thousands of migrants back to their crime-affected homeland would impose huge strains. To escape its perpetual violence, El Salvador needs support, not the recurrence of past mistakes. Sealing the end of the conflict, the Chapultepec Peace Accords enabled the former guerrilla Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front FMLN to transform into a political party, and created a new civilian police force.

Since then, El Salvador has remained among the most politically stable countries in Latin America, with two main parties that are heirs to the two sides of the internecine conflict — the left-wing FMLN and the conservative National Republican Alliance ARENA — peacefully alternating in power. Hide Footnote. The country has suffered at least 93, murders sinceover half of which can be attributed to gangs.

Estimates from El Salvador defence ministry in Crisis Group interview, Raúl Mijango, gang truce mediator, San Salvador, 9 March Hide Footnote Although gangs such as the Mara Salvatrucha MS and the two factions of 18th Street gang have a worldwide presence, their violent behaviour in El Salvador constitutes a national security crisis. Gangs control an undefined number of informal settlements and urban outskirts all over the country, and finance themselves mostly through small-scale extortion.

Sinceboth FMLN and ARENA governments have anchored their anti-criminal policies in restoring full state control over territory with high gang presence, mass incarceration and joint police and military operations. The current fight against crime, unveiled in early by President Sánchez Cerén of the ruling FMLN party, is the latest in a long line of law enforcement campaigns, although this initiative places more emphasis than predecessors on violence prevention in selected municipalities.

Yet past and present anti-gang policies have achieved little in terms of stemming violent crime, and in some cases have even contributed to gang recruitment, financial prowess and firepower. Between and El Salvador experienced its steepest escalation in violence sincewith 11, homicides in and combined, a 53 per cent increase in comparison to the period.

These include the potentially devastating shock of new U. migration policies, economic and financial strains, and the possibly disruptive interference by gangs in forthcoming local elections. Combining original quantitative analysis based on official violence and migration statistics from El Salvador and the U.

Hide Footnote Crisis Group conducted over 70 interviews with top-level government officials, grassroots NGOs, academics, humanitarian workers, why are crime rates in the united states comparatively high?, diplomats, security experts, and victims living in gang-controlled areas. The MS gang and the two factions of the 18th Street gang are the largest criminal groups operating in the country; their ability to inflict high levels of violence and intimidation is directly related to an increase in the number of internally displaced persons IDPsrefugees and asylum seekers in the region.

El Salvador has a robust two-party system dominated by the FMLN and ARENA. Most security powers fall under the remit of the Ministry of Justice and Public Security, which runs the police and the prison system.

The next assembly and local elections are scheduled for 4 March El Salvador constitution Álvaro Artiga, El Sistema Político Salvadoreño San Salvador,pp. The FMLN and ARENA both draw on strong public roots and feature hierarchical structures and leadership cohorts that have remained largely intact for the last 25 years.

The FMLN has around 30, rank-and-file militants, most of them from urban areas; ARENA has more active affiliates, 50, with a support base primarily located in rural municipalities. Crisis Group interview, Álvaro Artiga, political scientist, San Salvador, 10 July Hide Footnote The two parties represent opposite social and ideological poles.

In both parties, why are crime rates in the united states comparatively high?, decision-making is concentrated in a select why are crime rates in the united states comparatively high? of high-level figures, most of whom have been in charge since Decision-making in ARENA depends on its National Executive Committee COENAconsisting of leading businessmen and historic party leaders. Álvaro Artiga, Carlos Dada, David Escobar Galindo, Hugo Martínez eds. Crisis Group interviews, Álvaro Artiga, political scientist, San Salvador, 10 July ; Jorge Villacorta, former lawmaker, San Salvador, 13 July From toARENA based its anti-criminal strategy on swift judicial processes, more arrests and mass incarceration.

The FMLN continued this punitive approach — especially since its second mandate started in — why are crime rates in the united states comparatively high? even harsher confinement conditions for jailed gang members and an enhanced role for the military in public security.

Since losing executive power, ARENA has expressed only modest opposition to decisions taken by the Security Cabinet, the highest authority on these issues. Its most prominent members are the Vice President and presidential appointee for security Óscar Ortiz; the Minister of Justice and Public Security Mauricio Rodríguez Landaverde; and the Director of the Police Howard Cotto.

However, decision-making on security and other national priorities has been handicapped in recent years by a divided Assembly controlled by ARENA, why are crime rates in the united states comparatively high? has forced the FMLN to compromise and seek support from smaller groups.

New parties such as the right-wing Great Alliance for National Unity GANA have benefited from this parliamentary blockage, with its leader Guillermo Gallegos elected president of the Legislative Assembly in Along with GANA, the National Concertation Party PCN and the Christian Democratic Party PDC play an important role in strategic legislative alliances.

Crisis Group interview, diplomat, San Salvador, 28 September Álvaro Artiga, El Sistema Político Salvadoreñoop. Hide Footnote Only a handful of cross-party agreements have been reached, while more than 25 negotiation attempts in key policy areas have collapsed. Hide Footnote The most recent was a six-month UN-backed mission launched in January to mark the 25th anniversary of the end of the war, which failed to establish common ground between the main parties.

Crisis Group interviews, UN officials, San Salvador, February-November The arrival of young leaders on the national political scene, and a sharp drop in popular support for both the FMLN and ARENA, could be the harbinger of a shift away from traditional two-party rule.

Both have announced they will stand as independent candidates in the presidential elections, when the strength of the main parties will be tested. Leading opposition party ARENA did little better, with nearly 70 per cent of participants saying they would not want the conservative party back in power.

El Salvador National Council of the Judiciary, Criminal Procedure Code of El Salvador commentedVolume I San Salvador,pp. Crisis Group interviews, Rodolfo González, magistrate, El Salvador Supreme Court of Justice, San Salvador, 26 September ; Arnau Baulenas, lawyer, Central America University Institute of Human Rights IDHUCASan Salvador, 26 September Saturation of courts and a chronic paucity of forensic evidence are common challenges for most Latin American judicial institutions, [fn] On the difficulties faced by forensic experts in El Salvador, see the account of efforts to disinter the mass grave found at the bottom of a well in Óscar Martínez, A History of Violence: Living and Dying in Central America London,chapter 6.

Around 95 per cent of judicial evidence is drawn from testimonies and comes primarily from protected witnesses criteriadoswhy are crime rates in the united states comparatively high?, in Spanish, why are crime rates in the united states comparatively high?.

Crisis Group interviews, judges, San Salvador, 12 July August Meanwhile, the Salvadoran police have come under increasing pressure as it seeks to deal with demands to combat violent crime and armed attacks from gangs. This forces many to live in gang-controlled areas, usually neighbourhoods with lower rents, putting them and their families at risk.

Hide Footnote Officers in the field describe feeling alone and emotionally exhausted during but also after work. Crisis Group interviews, police officers, El Salvador, August-September Hide Footnote Criminal groups reportedly killed 45 officers from 1 January to 6 December Originally designed in the peace accord to have a community-oriented role, the rising gang presence has increasingly pushed the police force toward methods why are crime rates in the united states comparatively high? on armed raids in gang-affected communities as well as direct confrontation and firefights.

These rose from in to inleaving 83 officers and alleged criminals dead. Human rights groups argue this increase conceals a wave of extrajudicial killings, and presented this data to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in September Crisis Group interviews, Verónica Reyna, officer, Servicio Social Pasionista, San Salvador, 7 June ; Arnau Baulenas, lawyer, Central America University Institute of Human Rights IDHUCASan Salvador, 26 September Hide Footnote However, several media outlets have published in-depth investigations of alleged massacres of suspected gang members, sexual abuse of minors and extortion.

Although a September sentence declared there had been at least one extrajudicial killing in Finca San Blas, the accused officers were acquitted after the judge ruled there was not enough evidence to find them individually responsible.

FACTUM online magazine also released an investigation in August based on WhatsApp conversations between members of an alleged elite death squad inside the police suspected of several homicides, sexual abuses and extortion. The police reacted promptly and started immediate prosecution of the suspected officers. Hide Footnote Although the police monitors alleged abuses, and senior security authorities meet monthly with human rights representatives to discuss relevant cases, NGOs have denounced lack of accountability for officers suspected of abuse.

The burdens on the police have pushed the military towards deeper involvement in public security issues, converting its participation in anti-crime operations into a semi-permanent strategy.

The Salvadoran army is the national institution with the highest public approval rating, why are crime rates in the united states comparatively high?, and included around 24, active members in Hide Footnote It understands its security role as a temporary measure limited to following police orders.

Corruption is prevalent in Salvadoran judicial and security institutions, though this is also common in many Latin American countries. A total of 31 per cent of Salvadorans report having paid a bribe to access basic public services over the past year according a Transparency International study, below other countries in the region such as Mexico 51 or Panama Accountability in most cases relies on the individual probity and political will of high-level officials, who themselves are chosen by a majority vote of the Legislative Assembly.

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